By JIM GENARO

SWANNANOA ≠ó Not only is the U.S. Constitution inherently undemocratic, it contains built-in provisions that tend to encourage a ìslow drift toward totalitarianism,î according to Dr. Frank Kalinowski, a professor of political science at Warren Wilson College.

Kalinowski presented a talk titled ìWhatís Democratic About the U.S. Constitutionî to an audience of about 50 people Sept. 18 at WWCís Jensen Lecture Hall.

He cited five factors that impede democracy in the Constitution. The first of these is a lack of separation between the roles of chief executive and chief of state, Kalinowski said.

The chief executive, he explained, is the person who administers the governmentís affairs. In England, this would be the prime minister.

The chief of state, on the other hand, is a symbolic role ó the person who embodies the spirit of the nation. The Queen of England is a chief of state. Importantly, he said, the chief of state is usually devoid of any real authority. Queen Elizabeth, for instance, is not even allowed to vote.

However, in the U.S., Kalinowski noted, the two roles are wrapped up into one office: the president.

ìWe donít separate chief executive and chief of state,î† Kalinowski told the audience. ìEvery president since George Washington has used that lack of separation to say that ëopposing my government is opposing the country.íî

This forces people into a false choice, Kalinowski said, by equating patriotism with support for the countryís policies.

He criticized WWC students, whom he said possess an ìincredible sense of lack of patriotismî because they oppose the actions of the government.

ìYou should oppose the government because youíre patriotic,î he urged them.

The second inherent flaw of the Constitution, Kalinowski said, is a lack of economic limits. The Interstate Commerce Clause restricts the ability of states to defend their economies, he argued. This essentially creates a ìnational free-trade zone.î

Furthermore, because of the laissez-faire approach to commerce inherent in the Constitution, the U.S. economy has evolved around a goal of ìconstant, perpetual economic growth,î Kalinowski added. ìOn a finite planet, perpetual growth is unsustainable.î

A third flaw of the Constitution is a lack of accountability, he said.

Kalinowski made a distinction between responsibility and accountability. A government can be responsible in the sense that everyone knows who formualtes policies, he explained.

However, accountability implies a mechanism by which those responsible can be punished if their actions are unjust, Kalinowski said.

ìNorth Korea has responsible government, but not accountability,î he noted.

In the U.S., however, even responsibility is difficult to ascertain. An elaborate system of checks and balances ìmake it very difficult to know who is responsibleî for decisions, Kalinowski said.

For instance, while congressional Democrats want to hold President Bush accountable for the war in Iraq, Bush can counter that Congress authorized the war and is therefore equally responsible for it, Kalinowski explained.

The fourth flaw of the Constitution is a lack of political limits, he told the audience.

Here, the problem is rooted in a lack of specificity, which, coupled with a number of Supreme Court decisions and traditions that are not actually mandated by the Constitution, lends itself to abuse and amalgomation of power, Kalinowski said.

The Neccessary and Proper Clause and the Supremacy Clause allow the executive branch to override the rights delineated elsewhere in the Constitution, he said.

ìItís simply a mattter of time that broad interpretation by the Supreme Courtî leads to ìan inevitable drift toward totalitarianism,î Kalinowski argued. ìItís built into this Constitution.î

The final flaw in the Consitution, Kalinowski said, is that it is fundamentally undemocratic.

The Greek term ìdemosî means ìmob,î he explained Democracy, therefore, means ìmob rule.î

ìThe Founding Fathers were no fans of democracy,î he told the audience. ìIn fact, they wrote a constitution meant to prevent mob rule ó meaning rule by you and me.î

He made a distinction between ìstrong democracyî and ìthin democracy.î

Strong democracy, he defined as ìthe opportunity for every human being to live out their full social potential ... That is the democracy that the Constitution specifically seeks to avoid.î

Thin democracy, on the other hand, is representative government, in which ìcitizenship gets demeaned to the simple acts of paying taxes and voting,î Kalinowski said. ìThis is a view of deomacracy that has a very low opinion of people.î

Kalinowski argued that a serious critique of the Constitution is necessary.

However, he expressed doubts about the effectiveness of the traditional means used to changing it ó constitutional amendments and judicial reinterpretation, which are difficult and risky, he said.

Alternately, Kalinowski suggested that the Constitution could be overthrown ìthrough popular uprising ó you go out in the streets and you practice strong democracy.î

However, he offered little hope of success. ìIf you try to use democracy to overthrow the Constitution, youíre almost guaranteed to fail,î he told the audience.

Nontheless, he said it is a cause ìworth fighting for.î He cited his own experiences as a young man opposing the war in Vietnam.

ìI succeeded at something,î he said. ìI changed my life ... I was a right-wing little b-----d. Within four years, Iím in the streets of Washington getting tear gased, trying to stop that war.î He added that that experience was ìthe thing for which I am most proud.î

Kalinowski closed by saying that the Constitution is ìnot nearly good enough for the American public.î

After the presentation, Kalinowski answered questions from the audience. A young man asked if he had any hopes or fears about the 2008 presidential elections.

ìIím already bored,î Kalinowski replied.

He urged his audience to vote because ìnot voting will always be interpreted as consent,î but added, ìfor Godís sake donít vote for the Republicans or for the Democrats.î

However, he said he would vote for Al Gore if he ran. He acknowleged that he has concerns about Goreís mainstream perspective, but added that ìheís the one person who at least ≠ó at some degree ó has some idea whatís happening.î

ìDo you have any wisdom about your seven yearsî of activism, a young man asked. ìWhere we can go?î

ìStrong democrcy starts at home,î Kalinowski answered. ìTake over Warren Wilson College.î

However, he said, attachment to the results is futile. ìDonít ask yourself ëAm I going to succeed or fail?íî he told the student. ìYouíre most certainly going to fail.î

ìDo you have present-day examples of strong democracy?î a man asked.

ìThereís always small victories,î Kalinowski answered. ìYou stop Wal-Marts from moving into some cities.î

He added that these ìbecome spurs to move you forward.î

However, too often people remain satisfied with thin democracy, he said. This settling, he argued, will inevitably lead to totalitarianism.

ìThin democracy is set up for failure and strong democracy is not a sure bet,î Kalinowski said. ìThe smart money is on some form of Americanized fascism. The problem with fascism is it does work.î

He predicted that ìalmost everyone in this room will live to see the breakup of the United States,î and that that breakup would come when oil prices top $200 per barrel.

Kalinowski added that while his ideas about the Constitution may seem radical, other commonly accepted ideas ó such as womenís sufferage, social security and the abolition of slavery ó were viewed as radical at one time.

ìThe opposite of radical is shallow,î he added.